From Silence to Self-Representation

Andrea BasiniLiceo Pasteur - Roma

From silence to self-representationRoman women in the classroom

II

III

IV

VII

IX

VIII

VI

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

'Nata, tene linguam': nec tamen illa tenet. Ovidius Fasti II 602 Let's start our investigation on the social role women were expected to play in the archaic Rome with a tale from Ovid's Fasti, the sad story of the nymph Lara (whose name, according to the poet, was originally Lala: ... prima sed illi / dicta bis antiquum syllaba nomen erat - vv. 599-600, echoing the Greek verb "laleo", "to talk"). Raised to be silent by her father, the river-god Almo, she nevertheless disclosed to her sister Iuturna Iuppiter's love interest in her and also rushed to the god's consort, Iuno. Iuppiter, seeing his indiscretion revealed, lost his temper and cut off her tongue, because she didn't use it modeste (v. 607); he also ordered Mercurius to lead her to Ades, locus ille silentibus aptus (v. 609). On the way to the after-life, he raped her (vim parat hic, v. 613) while she was trying, hopelessly, to talk and discourage him (voltu pro verbis illa precatur, / et frustra muto nititur ore loqui, vv. 613-614). From this violence, she is told to have been giving birth to a couple of twins, the Lares urbani. In introducing her story, Ovid names her Tacita (silent) and calls her, somewhat redundantly, dea Muta (dumb goddess), in order to remind his readers of the fate awaiting those who talk too much.

Tacita Muta / 1

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Disce per antiquos, quae mihi nota, senes. Ovidius Fasti II 584 According to Cantarella 2015, Tacita's tale played a symbolic role in shaping Roman education and culture, soon becoming not a single woman's tale but a women's tale, depicting the tendency to gossip and to speak inappropriately as a common trait to womanhood itself, as proved by various fabulae reflecting such a stance, e.g. the tale of young Papirius in Macrobius Saturnalia I 19-25, in which he reveals his mother's and other women's impudica insania (see Viglietti 2011 for the paradigmatic value of such tales, or fabulae), after she divulged the false claim that the Roman Senate was proposing polygamy . The example of Tacita Muta and her ultimate demise, that Ovid connects to the very origins of Rome - she was indeed the mother of the Lares - remains, as we'll see, valid throughout the cultural history of Roman society as the model of what women were expected to be, wheter lowborn or notably upborn, i. e. respectuful of pudicitia.

Tacita Muta / 2

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

Tacita Muta / 3

The Ovidian text relating to Tacita Muta runs from v. 571 to v. 616 of book II of Fasti and can be roughly divided in three sections:

• vv. 571-584: Ovid describes the rituals (sacra) perfomed in honour of Tacita by an old woman (anus annosa), then proceeds with the narrating the goddess' tale

• vv. 585-598: Iuppiter falls for a river nymph, Iuturna, and tries to gain her sisters' help in his endeavour of seducing her. They accept the request

• vv. 599-616: Lara breaks the promise and tells Iuturna about Iuppiter's interest, urging her to flee and at the same time reveals the god's intentions to his wife, Iuno, causing Iuppiter's rage (Iuppiter intumuit, v. 607). Ovid briefly evokes the physical punishment, Lara's descent into Ades and her being raped by Mercurius, ending the section with the celebration of her offspring, the Lares who vigilant nostra semper in urbe. To this section is dedicated the following reading activity

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Reading Practice

Ovidius Fasti II vv. 599-616

1. forte fuit Nais, Lara nomine; prima sed illi
2. dicta bis antiquum syllaba nomen erat,
3. ex vitio positum. saepe illi dixerat Almo
4. 'nata, tene linguam': nec tamen illa tenet.
5. quae simul ac tetigit Iuturnae stagna sororis,
6. 'effuge' ait 'ripas', dicta refertque Iovis.
7. illa etiam Iunonem adiit, miserataque nuptas
8. 'Naida Iuturnam vir tuus' inquit 'amat.'
9. Iuppiter intumuit, quaque est non usa modeste
10. eripit huic linguam, Mercuriumque vocat:
11. 'duc hanc ad Manes: locus ille silentibus aptus.
12. nympha, sed infernae nympha paludis erit.'
13. iussa Iovis fiunt. accepit lucus euntes:
14. dicitur illa duci tum placuisse deo.
15. vim parat hic, voltu pro verbis illa precatur,
16. et frustra muto nititur ore loqui,
17. fitque gravis geminosque parit, qui compita servant
18. et vigilant nostra semper in urbe Lares.

Classroom activities

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... incidit de uxoribus mentio. Livius Ab Urbe condita I 57 According to James A. Arieti (in Deacy et al. 2002), a recurring theme in Livy's first book of Roman History is rape and how it shapes Roman mentality in regard to sexuality and power. Romulus and Remus were indeed produced by the rape perpetrated by the god Mars on the Vestal virgin Rhea Silvia (vi compressa, I 4) and the rape of the Sabine women (orta vis signoque dato iuventus Romana ad rapiendas virgines discurrit, I 9) gave newborn Rome the hope of children needed to thrive. In these two instances, rape (in both passages the word vis plays a central role) is pivotal in the events' development and profoundly changes the History of Rome:

• with Mars and Rhea Silvia, the founder is conceived (connecting two main characters in Roman Weltanschauung: Mars, the god of war, father of Romulus, and Venus, the godness of love and sexuality, whence Rhea Silvia ultimateley comes from, being a descendant of Aeneas, son of Venus)
• with the rape of the Sabines Rome effectively becomes an Urbs, ruled by law (via "restorative marriage") instead of being of pure violence (cfr. Bettini 2015).

Lucretia / 1

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... ad expugnandum regnum. Livius Ab Urbe condita I 59 The third rape is the one of Lucretia, a Roman matrona who, in order to defend her pudicitia and not to be perceived as killed in sordido adulterio, gives herself to Sextus Tarquinius, the king's son, and later commits suicide nec ulla deinde impudica Lucretiae exemplo vivet. Shocked by Lucretia's fate and honour-saving sacrifice, the Roman plebs revolts against the Tarquini, giving way to the Roman res publica. Livy starts his Historia with the vis perpetrated by Mars on the Vestal virgin and closes his first book with another victim of male violence providing a radical change in Roman society, from monarchy's absolute power to a "mixed constitution" in which power is shared by different political bodies (in the beginning, the Senate and the two yearly elected consuls, later with written laws and plebeian participation in government thanks to the tribuni plebis). For our discussion, Livy's portrait of Lucretia is essential in understanding the ideal model Roman women were supposed to adhere to.

Lucretia / 2

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Livius Ab urbe condita I 57 In his stativis, ut fit longo magis quam acri bello, satis liberi commeatus erant, primoribus tamen magis quam militibus; regii quidem iuvenes interdum otium conviviis comisationibusque inter se terebant. Forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium, ubi et Collatinus cenabat Tarquinius, Egeri filius, incidit de uxoribus mentio. Suam quisque laudare miris modis; inde certamine accenso Collatinus negat verbis opus esse; paucis id quidem horis posse sciri quantum ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. "Quin, si vigor iuventae inest, conscendimus equos invisimusque praesentes nostrarum ingenia? Id cuique spectatissimum sit quod necopinato viri adventu occurrerit oculis." Incaluerant vino; "Age sane" omnes; citatis equis avolant Romam.

Lucretia / 3

Quo cum primis se intendentibus tenebris pervenissent, pergunt inde Collatiam, ubi Lucretiam haudquaquam ut regias nurus, quas in convivio luxuque cum aequalibus viderant tempus terentes sed nocte sera deditam lanae inter lucubrantes ancillas in medio aedium sedentem inveniunt. Muliebris certaminis laus penes Lucretiam fuit. Adveniens vir Tarquiniique excepti benigne; victor maritus comiter invitat regios iuvenes. Ibi Sex. Tarquinium mala libido Lucretiae per vim stuprandae capit; cum forma tum spectata castitas incitat. Et tum quidem ab nocturno iuvenali ludo in castra redeunt.

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Livius Ab urbe condita I 58 Ubi exceptus benigne... cum post cenam in hospitale cubiculum deductus esset, amore ardens, postquam satis tuta circa sopitique omnes videbantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam venit sinistraque manu mulieris pectore oppresso "Tace, Lucretia" inquit; "Sex. Tarquinius sum; ferrum in manu est; moriere, si emiseris vocem." Cum pavida ex somno mulier nullam opem, prope mortem imminentem videret, tum Tarquinius fateri amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, versare in omnes partes muliebrem animum. Ubi obstinatam videbat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad metum dedecus: cum mortua iugulatum servum nudum positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata dicatur. Quo terrore cum vicisset obstinatam pudicitiam velut vi victrix libido, profectusque inde Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset, Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem ad patrem Ardeamque ad virum mittit, ut cum singulis fidelibus amicis veniant; ita facto maturatoque opus esse; rem atrocem incidisse. Sp. Lucretius cum P. Valerio Volesi filio, Collatinus cum L. Iunio Bruto venit, cum quo forte Romam rediens ab nuntio uxoris erat conventus.

Lucretia / 4

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Livius Ab urbe condita I 58 Lucretiam sedentem maestam in cubiculo inveniunt. Adventu suorum lacrimae obortae, quaerentique viro "Satin salve?" "Minime" inquit; "quid enim salvi est mulieri amissa pudicitia? Vestigia viri alieni, Collatine, in lecto sunt tuo; ceterum corpus est tantum violatum, animus insons; mors testis erit. Sed date dexteras fidemque haud impune adultero fore. Sex. est Tarquinius qui hostis pro hospite priore nocte vi armatus mihi sibique, si vos viri estis, pestiferum hinc abstulit gaudium." Dant ordine omnes fidem; consolantur aegram animi avertendo noxam ab coacta in auctorem delicti: mentem peccare, non corpus, et unde consilium afuerit culpam abesse. "Vos" inquit "uideritis quid illi debeatur: ego me etsi peccato absolvo, supplicio non libero; nec ulla deinde impudica Lucretiae exemplo vivet." Cultrum, quem sub veste abditum habebat, eum in corde defigit, prolapsaque in volnus moribunda cecidit. Conclamat vir paterque.

Lucretia / 5

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

The original text of Livy (I 58-59) is too long to be read and/or translated in a single lesson, so we've provided an abridged and simplified version for a listening session

Lucretia Abridged and simplified

Lucretia Audio file

Lucretia Interactive Listening Test

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Cloelia virgo, una ex obsidibus. Livius Ab Urbe Condita II 13 Following the Tarquinii's demise, a war broke out between Rome and its former kings, helped by their Etruscan relatives, led by Porsenna. In Livy's recounting of the war, various acts of courage and resilience are performed by the Romans against the Etruscans, soon acquiring legendary status, such as the bravery of Horatius Cocles (II 10), Valerius (II 11) and Mucius Scaevola (II 12). In the following chapter (II 13) Livy adds another tale of courage and bravery, this time performed by a young girl (virgo), Cloelia. During a truce (composita pace) she was held, amongst others, hostage to the Etruscans and, during the night, crossed by swimming the river Tiber, leading some other hostages back to Rome, thus escaping the Etruscan army. The Romans, willing to respect the pact, returned Cloelia to king Porsenna; he was so moved by her bravery that decided to let her go, allowing the girl to choose other hostages to free (Cloelia chose the youngest ones). The Romans later honoured Cloelia by placing in the Sacra via an equestrian statue of her, something unprecedented for a woman - in his tale, Livy seems to mix two different tales, saying first that Cloelia swam through the river (Tiberim tranavit) and then alluding to a crossing by horse, mentioning a statua equestris.

Cloelia / 1

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... novam in femina virtutem novo genere honoris. Livius Ab Urbe Condita II 13 According to Cantarella 2015, the story of Cloelia is not to be read as a tale of feminine military virtue (even if Livy calls her dux) but as a symbolic representation of a purification rite through water (Cloelia is etymologically connected to the verb cluere, "to purify"); without entering the debate, in our portraits of Roman women Cloelia holds a peculiar place, being an example of a female character renowned not for the common feminine virtues (such as the pudicitia held so dear by Lucretia) but for her courage and bravery, usually perceived as male features; also of interest, as we will see, is the fact that Cloelia's virtues seem to be her own and not depending on her father, whose name Livy omits. The story of her statue is also mentioned by Pliny, Naturalis Historia XXXIV 13 and her abula is told in the anonymous De viris illustribus urbis Romae as well, dating to the 4th century C.E. , a text that can be easily used in a Latin classroom setting. The unknown author of this sylloge of historical episodes diverges from Livy in at least two points: Cloelia is said to have found a horse as a means of escape and she seems to have crossed the river alone, while in Livy she leads other hostages to safety.

Cloelia / 2

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

de Viris Illustribus, 13 Porsenna Cloeliam nobilem virginem inter obsides accepit, quae deceptis custodibus noctu castris eius egressa equum, quem fors dederat, arripuit et Tiberim traiecit. A Porsenna per legatos repetita reddita est. Cuius ille virtutem admiratus cum quibus optasset in patriam redire permisit. Illa virgines puerosque elegit, quorum aetatem iniuriae obnoxiam sciebat. Huic statua equestris in foro posita. *** A Latin novella for beginners and intermediate readers, Cloelia - puella Romana (Arnold 2016) tells the story of Cloelia from her point of view, also discussing Lucretia, Mucius Scaevola, Horatius Cocles and others; on the author's site a copious arrange of teaching materials and resources is freely available.

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... dictus a virgine vestale Tarpeia. Varro de lingua Latina V 7 Discussing the etymology of "Capitolium" (from a human head - caput humanum - there retrieved), Varro says that originally the hill was called mons Tarpeius, from Tarpeia, a Vestal virgin that was killed (necata armis) in situ by the Sabines and there buried (sepulta). The main version of the story is found in Livy (I 11) and Propertius (IV 4) where Tarpeia, daughter of Manlius Tarpeius, keeper of the Roman arx, betrays Rome and let the Sabines in, to be later killed by them; in Livy she's moved by greed, while, according to Propertius, she's compelled to act by her love for the Sabines' commander - in both cases Tarpeia is a symbol of women's unreliability and an example of 'negative model', opposed to those of Lucretia's and Cloelia's that we've already seen. As Cairns 2011 points out, there are some variations in tradition, such as the verses of Simylos (preserved by Plutarchus Romulus 17 6, where she is said to have betrayed Rome not to the Sabines but to the Gauls) or the story by a certain Antigonos (cfr. Plutarchus Romulus 17 5), according to whom Tarpeia "is a model of filial virtue... the daughter of Tatius who... betrays Rome to his father". "An even more virtuous Tarpeia" is preserved (via Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiquitates Romanae II 40) from the Annales of Calpurnius Piso, where she did ask for what the Sabines had on their left arms, intending not the bracelets (as in the 'canonical' version) but the shields themselves, so that they would enter the city with no arms - she also advised Romulus of her plan but was betrayed by "her messenger who defected to Tatius" and was thus killed by him and his men - Livy himself, I 11 9, seems to have kept traces of this story (Sunt qui eam ex pacto tradendi quod in sinistris manibus esset derecto arma petisse dicant), as does Propertius I 16 2 (Ianua Tarpeiae nota pudicitiae, often emendated to Ianua Patriciae vota pudicitiae or meant to be a generic reminder of the ancient times, as in Gazich 1993, p. 264). The fact that of the two main versions of Tarpeia's story the one that gained 'classical' status is the misogynistic one, must not go unnoticed (cfr. Welch 2015)

Tarpeia / 1

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... quae voluit flammas fallere, Vesta, tuas. Propertius IV 4 The following text, abridged from Propertius's fourth elegy of book IV, underlines the topical themes of women's weakness, both in talking inappropriately (as Tacita Muta) and in renouncing their pudicitia (in contrast to Lucretia's self sacrifice)

Tarpeia / 2

ille equus, ille meos in castra reponet amores, cui Tatius dextras collocat ipse iubas! quantum ego sum Ausoniis crimen factura puellis, improba uirgineo lecta ministra foco! si minus, at raptae ne sint impune Sabinae: me rape et alterna lege repende uices! commissas acies ego possum soluere: nuptae uos medium palla foedus inite mea” dixit, et incerto permisit bracchia somno. hoc Tarpeia suum tempus rata conuenit hostem: pacta ligat, pactis ipsa futura comes. prodiderat portaeque fidem patriamque iacentem, nubendique petit, quem uelit, ipsa diem. at Tatius (neque enim sceleri dedit hostis honorem) "nube" ait "et regni scande cubile mei!" dixit, et ingestis comitum super obruit armis. haec, uirgo, officiis dos erat apta tuis. a duce Tarpeia mons est cognomen adeptus: o uigil, iniustae praemia sortis habes.

Tarpeium nemus et Tarpeiae turpe sepulcrum fabor et antiqui limina capta Iouis.lucus erat felix hederoso conditus antro, multaque natiuis obstrepit arbor aquis,hunc Tatius fontem uallo praecingit acerno, fidaque suggesta castra coronat humo.hinc Tarpeia deae fontem libauit: at illi urgebat medium fictilis urna caput.et satis una malae potuit mors esse puellae, quae uoluit flammas fallere, Vesta, tuas?uidit harenosis Tatium proludere campis pictaque per flauas arma leuare iubas:obstipuit regis facie et regalibus armis, interque oblitas excidit urna manus.et sua Tarpeia residens ita fleuit ab arce uulnera, uicino non patienda Ioui:"ignes castrorum et Tatiae praetoria turmae et formosa oculis arma Sabina meis,o utinam ad uestros sedeam captiua Penatis, dum captiua mei conspicer ora Tati!Romani montes, et montibus addita Roma, et ualeat probro Vesta pudenda meo:

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

Propertius' abridged text

Two coins, produced by the moneyer Lucius Titurius Sabinus during the Social wars, seem to be coined to communicate the message of "Rome's universal dominion... and Italy subservient place in the relationship": the first (RCC 344/1a) represents the rape of the Sabine women, while the other (RCC 344/2b, left) shows "Tarpeia being buried in shields by two soldiers... the legend of Tarpeia takes on many meanings in the Republic and beyond, but most versions emphasize that the faithless woman is punished for her treachery" (cfr. Yarrow 2021 and Welch 2015, who discusses both coins at lenght)

Interactive test

A simplified version of Tarpeia's story (based on Livy) is in Miraglia 2015

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... virginis plebeiae stuprandae libido cepit. Livius Ab Urbe condita III 44 Following Arieti (in Deacy et al. 2002), we've already seen how pivotal moments in Livy first books are connected to rape and its consequences (the birth of Romulus, the legend of the Sabine women, the fall of the monarchy following Lucretia's suicide). The same pattern operates in Livy II 18 (the violence perpetrated by Sabine youths leads to the first mentio of creating a dictator) and mainly in Verginia's legend (III 44), where the dynamic between sex and power plays a significant role. The historian himself connects Verginia's to Lucretia's fate: sequitur aliud in urbe nefas, ab libidine ortum, haud minus foedo eventu quam quod per stuprum caedemque Lucretiae urbe regnoque Tarquinios expulerat - and, as Lucretia's death gave way to the birth of the res publica, Verginia's sacrifice will end the decemviri's tiranny and restore the balance of power among the political actors. As we will see, Lucretia killed herself by her own will - believing no life was worth living since she had lost her pudicitia - while Verginia is killed by her own father, who wanted to preserve her virtue and, in Livy's telling, no words whatsoever are spoken by her and her true willing remains undetermined.

Verginia / 1

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... aliud in urbe nefas. Livius Ab Urbe condita III 44 In the middle of the V century BCE Appius Claudius, a former consul, was appointed into a decemvirate, established to enact the first written laws of Rome (the so-called tabularum leges); the following year he was appointed to a second decemvirate to complete the task but this time each of the decemviri started to show signs of tyrannical tendencies, led by Claudius, who formed them in his shape (coepit novos collegas, iam priusquam inirent magistratum, in suos mores formare, Livy III 36) - each of the decemviri had the symbols of royal power, such as the fasces and twelve lictores - Rome became once again a sort of monarchy: decem regum species erat, according to the historian. The catalyst for the removal of the decemviri and the republican restoration was the attempted stuprum of Verginia, a sordid tale of power, political treachery and sexual domination, as told by Livy.

Verginia / 2

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

Commentary on Livy's text

Livy's abridged text

Latin vocabulary Cloze activity

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Clodia / 1

... amata nobis quantum amabitur nulla. Catullus 8 5 According to Cantarella 2015, from the II century BCE onwards, Roman society began to profoundly change and challenge the previous conditions of women, maintaining a veneer of immutability and formal respect of the mos maiorum; such a change can be attributed to different factors, e. g. the major appeal of the matrimonium sine manu (the marriage in which the wife's wealth is not passed on the husband's family), new pretorian laws regulating succession giving women more rights in the hereditary assets (see also Skinner 2011) and a gender imbalance in society, given the high number of men fallen in war. In these renewed contexts, we find rich and wealthy widows, socially admired for not remarrying (the ideal of the univira remained strong) and relatively free to live as they choose, cultivating political influence and/or cultural interests, such as Clodia, fourth daughter of Appius Claudius Pulcher (consul in the year 79 and descendant of the Appius Claudius in Verginia's tale), sister of Clodius Pulcher, tribunus plebis and Cicero's nemesis, better known to us under the name Catullus gave her: Lesbia.

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Clodia / 2

... Lesbia nostra, Lesbia illa. Catullus 58 1 Claudia/Clodia (cfr. Skinner 2011, her most comprehensive biography available) descends from a family rooted in the history of the Roman republic, beginning with an Atius Clausus of Sabine origins who became consul in 495 as Appius Claudius Regillus and is remembered by Livy for his insita superbia (II 27), a common trait of the Claudii (as we've seen with Appius Claudius and Verginia), following through with a Claudius Pulcher (who lost a battle in the First Punic War having ignored the omina, cfr. Cicero de natura deorum II 7) and his sister, a Claudia who was fined for having wished a Roman defeat (Livius Epitome 19). At the same time, a more positive tradition about the Claudii is attested, in particular for the women side of the family, e. g. the Claudia Quinta, who was central in the introduction of the cult of the Magna Mater (as told by Cicero Pro Caelio 34, cfr. Winsor Leach 2007), and the vestal Claudia, who saved her father at her own risk (celebrated by Valerius Maximus V 4 6).

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Clodia / 3

... o Hymen Hymenae. Catullus 61 5 Our Claudia/Clodia married, between 82-79, Metellus, praetor urbanus in the year 63 and a friend of Cicero, who, in Familiares 5 2, thanks his wife (uxore tua Claudia) for the help she gave him in a dispute against Metellus' brother. When Metellus became consul and was (cfr. Skinner 2011) opposed to Claudius Pulcher's adoption into the plebs (hence the name-changing to Clodius), Cicero writes to his friend (Cicero ad Atticum 2 1 4) that he hates his sister (illam odi), that she's seditious (seditiosa) and at war with her husband (cum viro bellum gerit), who later died (59), and she remained a wealthy widow with a daughter (Metella). Famously portrayed as a palatina Medea by Cicero in his speech Pro Caelio (where her domus is described, in crescendo, as inimica, infamis, crudelis, facinerosa and libidinosa - in contrast to Lucretia's house, cfr. Leen 2001), Clodia appears for the last time in Cicero's letters immediately after the death of Caesar (ad Atticum 14 8, from which Skinner 2011 thinks she may have hosted Cleopatra in her horti, following Caesar in his way back from Egypt).

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Clodia / 4

... ille mi par esse... Catullus 51 1 The identification between the historical Clodia and the woman Catullus calls Lesbia has its origins in Apuleius' Apologia (10 3), it is strongly confirmed by Catullus 73 with a word-game on her brother Claudius Pulcher/Lesbius pulcher and generally sustained by scholars. In Catullus' liber Lesbia is at first still married (cfr. Catullus 68 e 83) when they first met (in the year 60), she did not remarry and they broke up a short time before Catullus' death around the year 54. Catullus loved her disproportionately and in his poems she appears as a fascinating, beautiful and cultivated woman, able to appreciate the use of the name Lesbia in Catullus 51 (probably the first poem dedicated to her) as a pseudonym connecting her to the Greek poetry the ancients thought born on the island of Lesbos, when Orpheus's head was brought there by waves (cfr. Phanocles fr. 1 15 Powell).

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Clodia / 5

... Otium, Catulle, tibi molestum est. Catullus 51 13 As noted by Skiller 2011, Clodia/Lesbia would not be so different from the Sempronia portrayed by Sallust as litteris Graecis et Latinis docta (as we'll see later) and Cicero calls her poetess (poetria) in Pro Caelio 64, even if none of her verses ever reached us - , following Hallett 2002, Fo 2018 pp. 645-647 puts forwards the intriguing hypothesis that lines 13-16 of Catullus' poem 51 are written, in sapphic stanzas, by Clodia herself, where she maliciously warned him to pay attention not to fall too much for her, evoking the risks risen by such an otium. Whatever it may be, the real Clodia would definitely be an example of an emancipated woman who, thanks to her family position and economical wealth, but also to her grace and intellectual capacities, was able to lead an independent life, to acquire power and influence, and even to survive the way she was viciously portrayed at that time by Cicero - and a regretful former lover, Catullus - gave her contemporaries, being perfectly able to speak her mind, no less entering Caesar's circle and hosting the Queen of Egypt in her villa. A long way from Tacita Muta...

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

Latin vocabulary an anagrams activity

Catullus' words describing Lesbia

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Hortensia / 1

... ne de his feminis quidem tacendum est. Valerius Maximus 8 3 Valerius Maximus begins his short section dedicated to women who spoke in a tribunal as advocatae, saying that seemingly they are worth more to be mentioned as proof of women impudicitia than anything else. He offers three examples, briefly summoned by Cantarella 2015 pp. 92-98, also quoting a later pretorial law that effectively prohibited women from practising law (postulare pro aliis; the law is discussed in Berrino 2002). The women are:

• Maesia Sentinas, who successfully defended herself in a criminal court (8 3 1, cfr. Marshall 1990)

• Afrania, portrayed as a monstrum, full of impudicitia and an example of mulieris calumniae (8 3 2, cfr. Berrino 2002)

• Hortensia, whose story will help us understanding how Roman society justified women successes in male-dominated fields (8 3 3)

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

... patris facundia. Valerius Maximus 8 3 3 While women like Lucretia and Verginia were celebrated for their pudicitia and women like Tacita Muta, Tarpeia an Clodia were criticised for their lack of it, we've so far encountered only one example (Cloelia) of a woman admired for her endeavours in an usually male-dominated field, i. e. that of military skills and virtues - another instance may be that of the Vergilian Camilla (cfr. Aeneis XI): both are of course mythological tales that have been interpreted accordingly (cfr. Cantarella 2015 pp. 35-39). In the case of Hortensia, her success cannot be denied and seems historically sound. Maximus sets the events in the year 42, when a law by the triumviri imposed a tax increase on rich women (cum ordo matronarum graui tributo a triumuiris esset oneratus) and no man wanted to represent them in court (nec quisquam uirorum patrocinium eis accommodare auderet) against said law. Hortensia, daughter of the orator Quintus Hortensius, took the case and won in front of the triumviri (causam feminarum apud triumuiros et constanter et feliciter egit), thanks to her rhetorical skills and strong arguments (part of her speech is in Appianus, Bellum civile, 4 5 32-34, summarized by Cantarella 2015 p. 96 and translated by Pischedda 2022 pp. 157-159).

Hortensia / 2

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Valerius Maximus seems incapable of recognising Hortensia's own virtues and ascribes them to her father, depriving her of any due praise, as she was just a vehicle to convey Hortensius' "spirit": repraesentata enim patris facundia impetrauit ut maior pars imperatae pecuniae his remitteretur. reuixit tum muliebri stirpe Q. Hortensius uerbisque filiae aspirauit, cuius si uirilis sexus posteri uim sequi uoluissent, Hortensianae eloquentiae tanta hereditas una feminae actione abscissa non esset. A not uncommon view in Maximus, who 'celebrates' in the same way another woman's courage: in 4 6 5 (cfr. Cantarella 2015, p. 122) the historian tells of Porcia's heroic suicide (believing her husband was dead, she is said to have ingested burning coals), who's imitated her father's (Cato the youngest) bravery in front of death: muliebri spiritu uirilem patris exitum imitata - in other sources too (Martialis I 43, Appianus Bellum civile 4 17 136) Porcia's death is connected to Cato's.

Hortensia / 3

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

Play the part writing assignment

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

In his work on Catilina's conspiracy, Sallust dedicates a chapter (Bellum Catilinae 25) to a female co-conspirator, often seen as a "female counterpart" (cfr. Weiden Boyd 1987) to Catilina's portrait, a title that may seem disproportionate in light of her actually small role in the conspiracy (Sallust is the only source for her involvement and she's remembered only once more in passing, cfr. Bellum Catilinae 40). Following Weiden Boyd 1987, we may see Sempronia as a counterpart to Catilina not for the obviously different historical role they play but for the gender reversal of the Roman virtues they've embodied: Catilina for his lack of virtus, Sempronia for her "unnatural" virilis audacia (quae multa saepe virilis audaciae facinora conmiserat) and luxuria (one of Sallust's recurrent topics) she possesses and that cleary stand out in her portrait: "instead of catalogue of the typical virtues of a Roman matron, we find a woman whose education and aggressiveness are characteristic either of a prostitute - or of an urbane man" - a portrait not so different from the one of Clodia provided by Cicero in the Pro Caelio.

Sempronia / 1

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Sallust Bellum Catilinae 25 Sed in iis erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audaciae facinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea viro atque liberis satis fortunata fuit; litteris Graecis et Latinis docta, psallere et saltare elegantius quam necesse est probae, multa alia, quae instrumenta luxuriae sunt. Sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudicitia fuit; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile discerneres; lubido sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur. Sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abiuraverat, caedis conscia fuerat; luxuria atque inopia praeceps abierat. Verum ingenium eius haud absurdum: posse versus facere, iocum movere, sermone uti vel modesto vel molli vel procaci; prorsus multae facetiae multusque lepos inerat.

Sempronia / 2

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

Representation of Roman Women in Art an interactive game

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

The main information we can gather on Postumulena Sabina does not come from literary sources but from her own epitaph, an inscription found in Montagnana (northern Italy) in 1974 (AE 1997 604) and ascribed to the 1st century CE (cfr. Boscolo 2016).

Postumulena Sabina / 1

Her monumental funerary stele (cfr. Cenerini 2013), made of white and red marbles, nearly 4 meters high, stood in the middle of a burial area dedicated to the gens Vassidia, to whom she was connected via marriage to Marcus Vassidius, who gave her a son. She survived both of them and, being consequently the materfamilias de facto, she was able to provide them with an elegant and expensive tomb, that later accomodated her: M(arco) Vassidio M(arci) f(ilio) / Severo IIIIIIvir(o) / M(arco) Vassidio M(arci) f(ilio) / Proculo IIIIIIvir(o) / filio / Postumulena L(uci) f(ilia) / Sabina v(iva) sibi et / suis fecit / et M(arco) Vassidio M(arci) l(iberto) / Memoriali Postumulena certainly epitomised the values and the virtues she was supposed to own, as a wife, as a mother and as a domina but the pride she shows for her accomplishments is unmissable to our eyes: that's how she wanted to represent herself and how she wanted to be remembered.

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Postumulena Sabina / 2

Postumulena was not only an example of a wealthy woman: she definitely took the reins of the family after her husband's death, maintaining and growing her estate. We've chosen her as a bridge from the archaic period to the I-II centuries CE where women were able to gain some kind of independence and autonomy due to their economic wealth, their entrepreneurial abilities and their cultural education. Women such as Clodia or Sempronia paved the way for. In her tomb (cfr. Busana et al. 2011), amongst other objects, three spindles for wool-making were found, showing once again the connection between women and lanificium seen earlier as for Lucretia's pudicitia. But Pustumulena was also an educated and cultivated woman with an interest in poetry. As a matter of fact, Buchi 2001 suggests she is to be identified with the Sabina the poet Martial dedicated his poems (10 93 1-4) to:

Si prior Euganeas, Clemens, Helicaonis oras pictaque pampineis videris arva iugis, perfer Atestinae nondum vulgata Sabinae carmina, purpurea sed modo culta toga.

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Classroom activities

An ideal woman Claudia's epitaph

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

Claudia / 1

We conclude our roundup of different female characters, some mythical, some historical, with a 4th century tale, set in a difficult time of anxiety (cfr. Dodds 1991), when Christianity was recognised as a religio licita and the ancient rites were still alive.

In his Peristephanon (Crowns of Martyrdom), the christian poet Prudentius celebrates the life and death of the martyrs of the new faith, often with gruesome and macabre details.

The second poem of said collection is dedicated to saint Laurentius, probably beheaded in the year 285 under the emperor Valerian, even if Prudentius tells us of his slow death by burning (prunae tepentes and fervor ignitus, Peristphephanon II 341-342), who later became canonical. Laurentius is said to have prayed, while dying, for Rome to become a Christian city, also prophesying of a time where a Christian emperor would rule it. Prudentius ends his poem with a celebration of the fulfilled prophecy, saying that after Laurentius's martyrdom the pagans converted to Christianity abandoning their ancient rites, and that even the pontifex maximus and a Vestal virgin became then faithful Christians (vv. 525-528).

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

vittatus olim pontifex asdscitur in signum crucis, aedemque, Laurenti, tuam vestalis intrat Claudia.

Claudia / 2

While the pontifex remains nameless, the Vestal virgin entering Laurentius' church (aedem) is called Claudia - according to Thomson 1953 the name "is perhaps chosen as representative of ancient nobility, perhaps also with reference to the famous Claudia Quinta, who proved her chastity when the Magna Mater was being landed at Ostia" (p. 139, see also Winsor Leach 2007). But there's the intriguing possibility that this Claudia may be a historical figure whose name has somehow reached us, even if it has been literally cancelled - a Christian Claudia is indeed buried in st. Laurence church in Rome (cfr. Conti 2003, but ILCV 163 does not mention her previous role as a Vestal) and in a fragment of a letter (Epistulae IX 109) Symmachus writes with astonishment to a nameless Vestal who is said to have been thinking about leaving the service earlier than expected (diceris ante annos legibus definitos vestali secreto velle decedere). In the Roman Forum, near the ruins of the temple of Vesta, where an eternal flame was said to be burning, as a symbol of Rome's eternity, there was the domus where the Vestal virgins lived, under the care of the pontifex maximus. In the atrium Vestalium stood statues celebrating former Vestals, on whose basement the original inscriptions preserve the name and the virtues of each virgo (CIL 6 32414-32419), even if the related statue is often missing - for the Vestal virgins, see Pischedda 2022 pp. 95-96 and 101-106

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

CIL 6 3422 reminds us of a Vestal virgin, celebrated for her castitas, pudicitia and mirabilis doctrina in sacris religionibusque, an inscription dated to the year 364 (text in Van Heck 2002, p. 331), dedicated to a Virgo Vestalis Maxima (V V Max):

Claudia / 3

Ob meritum castitatis pudicitiae adq(ue) in sacris religionibusque doctrinae mirabilis C------E V V Max

While the final E of the erased name can be easily read, it is possible to conjecture an initial C, reconstructing the missing name as 'CLAUDIAE' (but Boise Van Deman 1908

notices that "the letters... cannot have been less than nine, while for Claudiae but six would be required"), thus ascribing historical roots to the Vestal named by Prudentius. Whatever the name may be, the inscription is one of rarest examples of a sort of damnatio memoriae of a woman not of imperial lineage (cfr. Varner 2001) and a poignant conclusion to our journey: from Tacita whose tongue was cut off, to the Vestal whose name was not to be even muttered because, by her own will, she chose the new faith over the mos maiorum.

From silence to self-representation - Roman women in the classroom

References

Bibliography

Images

Andrea Basiniandrea.basini@liceopasteur.edu.it afmbasi@gmail.com twitter @cheremone